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NEUTRALITY 

OF 

THE UNITED STATES 



NOV 1 |9|;1 



ADDRESS BY 

HARRY B. II AWES 

BEFORE 

INESS MENS LEAGUE OF ST. LOl IS 
MBER 29. I9M 



NEUTRALITY 

OF 

THE UNITED STATES 



ADDRESS BY 

HARRY B. HAWES 

BEFORE 

BUSINESS MEN'S LEAGUE OF ST. LOUIS 

SEPTEMBER 29, 1914 



Neutrality of the United States* 



Gentlemen : 

The average American in Europe, unless studying a 
specialty, soon finds thai in most things Americans 
excel. Europe has the advantage of age in art, archi- 
tecture, roads and gardens, and all the disadvantages 
thai arise from self-satisfaction, which retards initiative 
and improvement. 

Our knowledge of foreign geography and history is 
limited. An American may speak hut one language and 
be considered a well-educated man. In Europe he must 
speak three; he therefore knows more of his neighbor's 
life, history and country than we Americans. 

We are praised as skilled traders, great inventors, 
wonderful money makers; and there praise ceases, 
except that our women are admired, especially those 
with large fortunes. 

He expects us to pay more than Europeans; he has 
one price for the American, another for his own people. 

He reads the plan of our political institutions, but 
remains ignorant of the fundamental principles of 
equality and justice upou which our government rests. 

One armed military government, of necessity, causes 
all its neighbors to arm and maintain tremendous mili- 
tary establishments. 

This necessity blinds him to the loss of the most use- 
ful years of a man's life, and taxation (which would 
bring a revolution here l becomes to him a pat riot ic duty. 

One armed European state, by proximity, means an 
armed Europe. 

This makes military preparedness the greal test of 
a nation's fitness for government. So we find that the 



NEUTRALITY OF THE UNITED STATES 



average European, measuring us by this rule, finds our 
Government inefficient. 

He counts his warships, numbers his army corps, and, 
in contemptuous comparison, finds that our standing 
army is smaller than the least of the states of Europe. 
That our volunteer armies in the Civil War actually 
destroyed more men in the same period of time than in 
any war in modern history, and the skill of the com- 
manders of these volunteer troops, put in text-books, is 
used in European war schools, has not impressed him. 

Our contention that the volunteer soldier, fighting for 
some great principle, makes a better soldier than the one 
drafted under state compulsion (who becomes a mere 
unit and ceases to be a man) causes him contemptuous 
amusement. 

Americans Abroad. 

Eliminating hearsay and reducing the accounts of 
returning Americans to actual facts, we find that with 
very rare exceptions Americans were treated kindly and 
courteously in France, Germany, England, Russia, Bel- 
gium and Austria. 

There were inconveniences, shortage of money, dis- 
agreeable transportation and other unpleasant experi- 
ences, but not more so than the peaceful citizens of the 
various countries suffered themselves. 

The best proof of this statement is found in the fact 
that Americans unconsciously absorbed the sentiment 
of the nation they visited. Americans in Germany 
came back with high praise of the German people, their 
army and the righteousness of their cause. Those in 
England and France were equally strong in recounting 
the praise of the people and armies of those nations. 

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NEUTRALITY OF THE TNITED STATES 



Thus showing that in all countries they were accorded 
kindly, friendly consideration. 

The newspapers of all the nations engaged in war are 
strictly censored. There is no exception. Each nation's 
side is set forth in most alluring manner; the alleged 
atrocities of the enemy are made shockingly appalling; 
the motive of the enemy is given at its worst, and the 
acts of bravery, skill of generals and self-sacrifice of 
their own country are depicted in a manner to impress 
the reader, so that he comes back to America with only 
one side of the story, and that side is the one absorbed 
by personal contact and the reading of censored news. 

Most of the shocking things they relate were not wit- 
nessed by them — in fact, occurred at some distant place 
and invariably done by the enemy of the country visited 
by them. 

They met some one upon a train, or they heard a 
story. This, without investigation or confirmation, is 
repeated until, by repetition, when they arrive home and 
find themselves American heroes and heroines, they are 
partisan instead of neutral. 

The wholesale manufacture of American heroes and 
heroines in the war would be amusing, were it not for 
the just contempt that foreign people must have for 
those who complained of petty annoyances when the 
awful penalty of war was being paid in full measure, by 
destruction and death. 

Of the hundred thousand Americans abroad, wo are 
proud to note that only a very, very few found it neces- 
sary to exaggerate their small inconveniences in the 
face of the universal sorrow, suffering and death that 
makes one great graveyard of all Europe. 

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NEUTRALITY OF THE UNITED STATES 



Duty of Neutrality. 

The naturally acquired bias of returning Americans, 
fed on censored news, added to race prejudice and blood 
ties, has produced a situation in the United States of 
extreme delicacy and calls for thoughtful protest from 
Americans who would prevent this nation from becom- 
ing embroiled in war, or domestic estrangements. 

All American citizens are such by birth or voluntary 
adoption. Their first duty and foremost obligation is 
to obey the laws of their country. This has been declared 
a neutral nation. 

President Jefferson said : 

"No citizen has a right to go to war of his own 
authority; and for what he does without right, he 
ought to be punished. Indeed, nothing can be more 
obviously absurd, than to say that all the citizens 
may be at war, and yet the nation at peace. It has 
been pretended, indeed, that the engagement of a 
citizen in an enterprise of this nature was a divest- 
ment of the character of citizen, and a transfer of 
jurisdiction over him to another sovereign. Our 
citizens are certainly free to divest themselves of 
that character by emigration, and other acts mani- 
festing their intention, and may then become the 
subjects of another power, and free to do whatever 
the subjects of that power may do." 

The only proper place for a belligerent American is 
in the army or navy of a belligerent nation. 

Believing in the patriotism of all classes of our people, 
we conclude that only ignorance of the fatal conse- 
quences of the violation of our neutrality, can occasion 
apprehension. 

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NEUTRALITY OF THE UNITED STATES 



John Bassett Moore, the accepted authority in the 
United States on the subject of International Law, gives 
this definition of "neutrality": 

"By the usual principles of international Law, the 
state of neutrality recognizes the cause of both 
parties to the contest as just; that is, it avoids all 
consideration of the merits of the contest." 

And again : 

"The idea of a neutral nation implies two nations 
at war, and a third in friendship with both." 

On June 18, 18!>r>, during the Cuban insurrection. Sec- 
retary of State Olney addressed the following communi- 
cation to an inquiring banker: 

"I have to acknowledge the receipt of your favor 
of the 13th instant and to note the inquiries therein 
contained. 

"Whether the bank or its officers could be crimi- 
nally prosecuted under the neutrality laws of the 
United States because the bank had knowingly 
made itself a depository of funds contributed by 
sympathizers in the United States in support of the 
present Cuban insurrection, is a question as to 
which opinions may differ, and which can be satis- 
factorily settled only by the adjudication of the 
proper court. Should a bank engage in such a trans- 
action, and, as you suggest, publish its acceptance 
of such a trust to the world, it would be my duty to 
call upon the Department of Justice to test the 
question whether or not the proceeding was a crime 
against the United States. 

"It might also be my duty to suggest whether a 
bank holding a United States charter does not abuse 
its franchises and furnish ground for their for- 



NEUTRALITY OF THE UNITED STATES 



feiture by acts in aid of hostilities against a nation 
with which the United States is at peace. 

"I do not anticipate, however, that anything done 
by your bank or its officers is likely to promote the 
solution of the interesting legal questions your letter 
presents. You ask me not merely as to your tech- 
nical legal liability, but also as to your moral obli- 
gations, adding, 'for we are all too loyal to our own 
country to seek to overthrow in any sense her laws.' 
I heartily commend the sentiment of the quotation, 
and am in a position to say that your moral duty 
in the premises does not admit of the least question. 
It has been expounded by no less an authority than 
the Supreme Court of the United States in the fol- 
lowing language : 

" 'The intercourse of this country with for- 
eign nations, and its policy in regard to them, 
are placed by the Constitution of the United 
States in the hands of the Government, and its 
decisions upon these subjects are obligatory 
upon every citizen of the Union. He is bound 
to be at war with the nation against which the 
war-making power has declared war, and 
equally bound to commit no act of hostility 
against a nation with which the Government is 
in amity and friendship. 

" 'This principle is universally acknowledged 
by the laws of nations. It lies at the founda- 
tion of all government, as there could be no 
social order or peaceful relations between the 
citizens of different countries without it. It is, 
however, more emphatically true in relation to 
citizens of the United States. For as the sov- 
ereignty resides in the people, every citizen is a 



NEUTRALITY OF THE UNITED STATES 



portion of it, and is himself personally bound 
by the laws which the representatives of the 
sovereignty may pass, or the treaties into which 
they may enter, within the scope of their dele- 
gated authority. And when that authority has 
plighted its faith to another nation that there 
shall be peace and friendship between the citi- 
zens of the two countries, every citizen of the 
United States is equally and personally 
pledged. The compact is made by the depart- 
ment of the Government upon which he himself 
has agreed to confer the power. It is his own 
personal compact as a portion of the sover- 
eignty in whose behalf it is made. And he can 
do no act, nor enter into any agreement to pro- 
mote or encourage revolt or hostilities against 
the territories of a country with which our Gov- 
ernment is pledged by treaty to be at peace, 
without a breach of his duty as a citizen, and 
the breach of the faith pledged to the foreign 
nation.' 

"Trusting you will find the foregoing a satisfac- 
tory answer to your inquiries, and that your bank, 
yourself, and its other officers will proceed accord- 
ingly, I am," etc. 

We observe the two definitions and the Olney letter 
refer to only two nations ai war. 

The present war includes practically the whole world. 
Only two of the great nations are not actively engaged, 
Italy and the United States, and Italy is armed and 
may become a participant. 



NEUTRALITY OF THE UNITED STATES 



Race Differences. 

This leaves the United States practically the only 
great nation preserving a strict neutrality. 

It is said that Europe divided into population accord- 
ing to race, is Anglo-Saxon, forty-five million ; Latin, one 
hundred to one hundred and ten million ; Teuton, includ- 
ing Scandinavian, one hundred million; Slav, one 
hundred and forty million. 

These races in Europe are divided into many nations 
and different tongues. 

In far-off Africa men are fighting, Australia is arm- 
ing, Japan is at war and China uneasy, India is sending 
troops, Islands of the Pacific and Atlantic are making 
preparations. 

On the North American continent, Canada ( our north- 
ern neighbor) is sending money and troops, and the 
Latin races of South America feel the strain. 

Shipping has left the sea, the mechanic the workshop, 
the farmer the plow, the fisherman his net. 

From high in the air like evil birds of prey, from the 
bowels of the ocean, from the mountain and the plain, 
engines of war and men are hurrying to participate in 
the slaughter of human beings. 

We alone are at peace, a neutral nation. 

Our forefathers gave us the Monroe Doctrine and have 
opposed all entangling alliances with foreign nations. 
To these two policies we owe our present peace. 

Our population is made up of Anglo-Saxon, Teuton, 
Latin and Slav ; these races commingling have produced 
a new race, stronger and better than all others. 

We are connected by art, literature and heredity with 
all the nations of Europe. Some of our newer citizens 
have the closer tie of immediate kinship with those en- 
gaged in the world war. For these we must be most 
sympathetic and forbearing, as their trial is extreme. 

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NEUTRALITY OF THE UNITED STATES 



Futility of Partisanship. 

Cut uo man is justified in doing aught to mar the neu- 
trality of our country. There can be no just ideation 
for such action, and reflection will convince him of its 
practical futility. 

There are fifteen million men engaged in the war, 
which costs $55,000,000 a day. 

Suppose some one could send one hundred thousand 
men and x5,000,0()0 to the army of his choice! Can lie 
seriously believe it would change the result? 

We must wait until the war is over to find the cause 
and write the history. False reports will not change 
the fighting strength or decide a battle. 

Contrabands of War. 

An excited citizen hears that horses are sent to one 
army; another that wheat and grain can not be sent to 
another. He blames the Government and discusses the 
question of contrabands of war. 

He probably does not know that various neutral Euro- 
pean nations, such as Holland, Denmark, Sweden and 
Switzerland are doing the same thing. 

Authorities on international law confirm President 
Grant's proclamation of neutrality of August 22, 1870, 
during the Franco-German war, in which he expressly 
declared that "all persons'" might "lawfully and without 
restriction, by reason of the aforesaid state of war, manu- 
facture and sell within the United Slates arms and 
munitions of war and other articles ordinarily known as 
'contraband of Avar,' subject to the risk of hostile cap- 
ture on the high seas." 

This means that all such articles arc sold at the 
owner's risk of capture and confiscation by one of the 
belligerents. 

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NEUTRALITY OF THE UNITED STATES 



Our courts have held, "Neutrals in their own country 
may sell to belligerents whatever belligerents choose to 
buy. The principal exception to this rule is that neutrals 
must not sell to one belligerent what they refuse to sell 
to the other." 

Contributions of Money. 

It is not a violation of neutrality for a private citizen, 
or corporation, to lend money to a belligerent if made 
for purely commercial purposes, but it would be an 
infringement if the loan was in fact a gratuitous contri- 
bution. 

So delicate is our position among so many friends that 
the President has advised against even commercial loans. 

During the Franco-German war large sums of money 
were sent by German sympathizers to Germany for hos- 
pital purposes, and large sums were sent by sympathizers 
with France for the relief of persons in French hospitals, 
and such assistance was not considered a violation of 
neutrality. 

Since that time the organization of the American Red 
Cross Society provides a means of contribution for hos- 
pital assistance, which completely eliminates any ques- 
tion of the violation of neutrality. 

This organization will help the wounded and destitute 
of all the warring nations equally, and prevent offense 
being given to any friendly nation on the ground of par- 
tiality. 

Presidential Advice. 

It has been held that, 

"the Executive of the United States has no author- 
ity to take cognizance of individual opinions and 
the manifestations thereof, even when taking the 
shape of revolutionary and seditious expressions 

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NEUTRALITY OF THE UNITED STATES 



directed against our oavii Government;" and that it 
was "no less incompetent to pass upon the subver- 
sive character of utterances aliened to contravene 
the laws of another land." 

But he may advise, as did Presidenl Cleveland, even 
when our feelings were outraged by the cruelties com- 
mitted in Cuba : 

"Whatever may be the traditional sympathy of 
our countrymen as individuals with a people who 
seem to be struggling for larger autonomy and 

greater freedom, deepened as such sympathy natur- 
ally must be in behalf of our neighbors, yet the 
plain duty of their government is to observe in good 
faith the recognized obligations of international 
relationship. The performance of this duty should 
not be made more difficult by a disregard on the part 
of our citizens of the obligations growing out of 
their allegiance to their country, which should 
restrain them from violating as individuals the 
neutrality which the nation of which they are mem- 
bers is bound to observe in its relations to friendly 
sovereign states.*" 

Or as did President Roosevelt during the Japauese- 
Eussian war : 

"All officials of the Government, civil, military 
and naval, are hereby directed not only to observe 
the President's proclamation of neutrality in the 
pending war between Russia and Japan, but to 
abstain from either action or speech which can 
legitimately cause irritation to either of the com- 
batants. The Government of the United States 
represents the people of the United States, not only 
in the sincerity with which it is endeavoring to keep 

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NEUTRALITY OF THE UNITED STATES 



the scales of neutrality exact and even, but in the 
sincerity with which it deplores the breaking out of 
the present war, and hopes that it will end at the 
earliest possible moment and with the smallest 
possible loss to those engaged. Such a war inevita- 
bly increases and inflames the susceptibilities of the 
combatants to anything in the nature of an injury 
or slight by outsiders. Too often combatants make 
conflicting claims as to the duties and obligations 
of neutrals, so that even when discharging these 
duties and obligations with scrupulous care it is 
difficult to avoid giving offense to one or the other 
party. To such unavoidable causes of offense, due 
to the performance of national duty, there must not 
be added any avoidable causes. It is always unfor- 
tunate to bring Old-World antipathies and jeal- 
ousies into our life, or by speech or conduct to excite 
anger or resentment toward our nation in friendly 
foreign lands ; but in a Government employe, whose 
official position makes him in some sense the repre- 
sentative of the people, the mischief of such action 
is generally increased. A strong and self-confident 
nation should be peculiarly careful not only of the 
rights, but of the susceptibilities of its neighbors; 
and nowadays all the nations of the world are 
neighbors one to the other. Courtesy, moderation 
and self-restraint should mark international, no less 
than private, intercourse." 

If admonition to our citizens were justified then, how 
much more important, how much more vital, is such an 
admonition now? 

In the last case only two friendly nations were at war. 
At the present time, six great nations, all friendly to us, 
are at war. 

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NEUTRALITY OF THE UNITED STATES 



Race Discussions. 

We can not fail to discuss the great war's progress; 
it is asking too much of human nature not to do so. 

The average American takes sides' in a dog fight, in a 
prize fight, in a baseball contest, in a yacht race. How 
can he well refrain from having an opinion on the causes 
and probable outcome of the greatest tragedy in the 
world's history? 

Experts say the war will be long; we know it will be 
deadly. It grips the imagination in a hold too strong t<> 
resist; we can not fail to think of it ; we must talk of it ! 

This can be done without making race the vital issue 
and stirring animosities of nationality that bring bitter 
personal enmities. 

We hear of the Frenchman who shoots the doctor who 
says he has German measles. We hear one man say he 
will use no more English mustard; another will drink 
no French wine; a third will eschew or not chew Vienna 
sausage; a fourth puts the ban on Russian caviar; a fifth 
will not use Italian (dive oil, because lie doubts Italy's 
strict neutrality, and a sixth is suspicious of the neu- 
trality of Swiss cheese. 

A lady will not buy French bonnets; another, German 
toys, and yet another will not use Irish linen. 

When will the belligerent American stop? Only when 
the deserved ridicule winch he brings upon himself 
becomes more unbearable than neutrality. 

One ever-present danger to our nation comes from the 
professional sectionist, the professional race leader who 
appoints himself spokesman for a section or a nation- 
ality that he may gain political office or personal profit. 

This professional agitator does more harm than war 
or disaster, as he spreads enmities and bitterness in a 
nation when all should be at peace and distracts atten- 

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tion from serious problems of Government demanding 
solution. 

When exhaustion brings prospects of peace, a neutral 
nation will be asked to conciliate. Our President is the 
most available man for this delicate task. If our strict 
neutrality is under suspicion, one of the belligerents may 
refuse his assistance and a great opportunity for peace 
will be lost. 

God With Peace. 

Each leader of the nations at war claims God's ap- 
proval of his armies and engines of destruction. 

We prefer to believe that God is with our President 
when he counsels neutrality and advocates peace. 

This is his advice : 

"The United States must be neutral in fact as 
well as in name during these days that are to try 
men's souls. We, must be impartial in thought as 
well as in action, must put a curb upon our senti- 
ments as well as upon every transaction that might 
be construed as a preference of one party to the 
struggle before another. My thought is of America. 
I am speaking, I feel sure, the earnest wish and 
purpose of every thoughtful American that this 
great country of ours, which is, of course, the first in 
our thoughts and in our hearts, should show herself 
in this time of peculiar trial a nation fit beyond 
others to exhibit the fine poise of undisturbed judg- 
ment, the dignity of self-control, the efficiency of 
dispassionate action, a nation that neither sits in 
judgment upon others nor is disturbed in her own 
counsels and which keeps herself fit and free to do 
what is honest and disinterested and truly service- 
able for the peace of the world." 



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LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



020 914 060 3 



WOODWARD 



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